- Affirmative. Over. - Garibaldi Square. Nothing.
Roger.
379. Go ahead.
Still nothing.
Patrol 93.
- Roger. Out. - Roger. Out.
Patrol 52.
Sector 7 verified.
Break requested. - Granted. Over.
Forget your break. Keep going.
Search all vehicles, one by one!
… 86-83.
75.
Calling headquarters.
Patrol 25 calling headquarters. - Headquarters. Come in.
Headquarters to Patrol 25. Go ahead.
Approximate age, 50. Brown eyes, large build.
I assume it's the American, Philip Michael Santore.
Gray hair that's been disguised with dye.
Found in a car declared stolen yesterday.
Cadillac, license plate 251-798.
Second projectile: nine-millimeter, copper jacket.
Entry wound: abdomen, left side.
Trajectory: ascending, slightly oblique,
touching the intestine, stomach,
diaphragm, right ventricle and the aorta.
We note the presence of a wound. Antemortem, but very recent.
Caused by a handgun, but expertly treated.
Wound healing well advanced.
The Chamber has been convened for an emergency session
to consider the proposal for a national day of mourning.
Deputies present: 103.
Deputies absent with cause: 12.
Deputies absent without cause: 32.
We have a quorum.
The session is now open.
The government proposes the following bill to Parliament.
Article 1: A national day of mourning is decreed today
to honor the death of Philip Michael Santore,
USAID employee and US citizen.
In consequence,
all public services, schools,
banks and stock exchanges shall cease activity.
Article 2:
The funeral will be paid for by the state.
All opposed?
All in favor?
Unanimity.
The chair now requests that we observe a minute of silence
in honor of Philip Michael Santore.
"… two men in white stood beside them and said,
'Men of Galilee, why do you stand here looking into the sky?
This same Jesus, who has been taken from you,
will come back in the same way you have seen him go.'"
Ladies and gentlemen, I'm broadcasting live from the cathedral
where the funeral mass is now being held
for the late Philip Michael Santore.
Crushed by grief, Mrs. Santore is accompanied by her older children.
The younger ones don't yet know their daddy is dead.
Attending the ceremony are the Council of Ministers,
every head of staff of the country's armed forces,
as well as the entire diplomatic corps.
It is displeasing to note that the seats reserved
for the university rectors and academics remain empty.
The archbishop was expected to give the funeral service,
but we see the apostolic nuncio is giving it in his stead.
The archbishop is not at the ceremony.
Grant eternal rest
to this loving husband and father.
We implore Thee, grant eternal rewards
to this innocent, sacrificial victim.
Philip Michael Santore knew poverty
and dedicated his life to fighting it.
He managed to save many young people,
making them decent citizens —
Thus he fell victim to terrorism and violence,
to this sudden,
murderous explosion of violence,
to this homicidal and blind fury
which once again, as it has since last Monday,
attacks our community.
MONDAY
Car keys, please.
Thanks. - Come with us. Hurry.
Excuse me, madam?
Yes?
What — What are you doing?
- Tupamaros. - We need your car.
We're armed.
Open the door.
It's an expropriation.
Slide over.
Unbelievable! Not again.
Because you were already —
Yes, I was already.
For the Chase Manhattan heist.
Expropriation.
What's it for today?
You'll find out in tomorrow's papers.
So will we.
- Police. We need your car. - Fine, sir.
We need the van for a job.
Keep quiet and drive.
Tupamaros?
With me, there's no need for those.
But let's get one thing straight.
I don't agree with your methods,
politically speaking.
What about in practice?
Which way are we going?
This way or that way? - That way.
Hello.
We're armed.
What do you want now?
Just a 30-minute stroll. You know the area?
You could report it stolen. - What about my van?
The police will find it today or tomorrow, you know that.
- Let's go for a walk. - I know.
A 30-minute stroll, then I report you to the police.
Careful with the brakes. You have to pump them.
And second gear is a bit tricky.
The keys.
Shit!
- Can I help you? - Telephone company.
CONSUL OF BRAZIL
There he is.
- What do we do? - Go look.
They're right out front.
Lie down.
- It's not necessary. - Yes, it is.
- I can walk. - We'd rather you didn't.
- It's for your security? - Exactly.
There he is!
Minister, what is your opinion of the kidnapping?
How did the United States react?
Give us a statement on this act which shames our country.
Do you think the terrorists will demand ransom?
Or, like in Brazil, the liberation of political prisoners?
There are no political prisoners in our country …
only common criminals.
They rob banks, steal cars,
kill police officers and kidnap decent people.
A photo, Minister.
Don't you think the terrorists benefited from widespread complicity?
Is it true that Brazilian troops are at our borders?
Is this a coincidence?
An official press release will answer your questions.
… morning which ended with the kidnapping
of Fernando Campos, consul of Brazil,
Anthony Lee, United States secretary of embassy,
and Philip Michael Santore, United States citizen
and USAID employee in our country.
Anthony Lee managed to escape.
Any questions?
Do you think the government,
in particular the Ministry of the Interior,
will take necessary measures to combat a situation
which has gone on for six years and has now become intolerable?
- Intolerable for the government. - Intolerable for the country!
It's the government that's intolerable for the country.
The law granting emergency powers
was passed by Parliament
in keeping with Article 168 of the constitution.
As voted in, it was only intended to last 60 days.
The 60 days were over two years ago.
This law continues to be the government's main tool
for dealing with the situation responsibly.
According to the press release, it seems the Tupamaros —
It is illegal to use that word.
This country is your host.
Please respect its laws.
- We call them unnameables, sir. - They are terrorists!
Excuse me.
I simply wanted to say that according to your statement,
almost 100 of these unnameables took part in the operation.
Yet according to witnesses,
less than 10 took part in each kidnapping.
Ten multiplied by three equals 30.
What role did the other 70 play?
It's not just a technical question.
It concerns the magnitude,
the political impact of the organization.
I don't see how criminals have the slightest political impact.
Go ahead, Mr. Ducas.
These "terrorists" attempted
to kidnap the second secretary of the American embassy,
which makes sense from their point of view.
The kidnapping of the consul of Brazil
also follows a certain logic.
But Mr. Santore —
Philip Michael Santore.
Why?
He's not a government official.
No one could hold him liable for anything,
either directly or indirectly.
None of us has ever heard of him.
So who is this Mr. Santore really?
What was he doing in our country?
Philip Michael Santore is one of our agency's employees.
- What was his job, exactly? - Our activities are numerous.
We're involved in various industrial sectors, where they exist.
We're interested in agriculture,
mining, education,
forestry and scientific research.
In Latin America, our activities fall within the framework
of the Alliance for Progress,
but we also reach out to every country of the free world
wishing to benefit from US economic and technical aid.
North American technicians, obviously.
Most of them, yes,
as they have the necessary qualifications.
But don't forget, local management training is also part of our program.
So actually it allows you,
a foreign government,
to keep an eye on everything in the country,
to gauge its resources, its wealth.
How can you know your problems without specialists,
and how can they help if they don't know your problems?
I'd say it's the other way around.
What do you mean?
A mere detail.
But it's the United States that needs assistance.
More than the other countries.
At least that's the way I see things.
- You enjoy paradoxes? - I enjoy clarity.
Whether by drinking a beer,
taking an aspirin,
brushing their teeth,
cooking in an aluminum pot,
using a fridge or heating a room,
each day, each citizen of my country
contributes to your economic development.
This "contribution" takes on greater significance
when speaking of the military sector.
I have no desire to waste your time.
Let's return to this
Mr. Santore.
We should discuss this question of aid another day,
to settle it once and for all.
I totally agree.
Back to Mr. Santore.
What are —
What were his duties at USAID?
What sort of activities did he specialize in?
Communications. He was a specialist, an expert.
- Is that him? - That's him.
That was when Alliance for Progress gave the police 300 patrol cars, right?
Yes.
So you're also involved with our police force?
There is
an official agreement between our two governments.
Yes, of course.
Mr. Santore worked here, in this building?
No.
USAID has offices at police headquarters.
USAID collaborates with our police force …
to improve various sectors concerning public order:
traffic security …
emergency communications and other administrative problems.
This Mr. Santore
had been working here for a year, correct?
More or less.
And before that? Did he come from the US?
No, he was in other Latin American countries.
Also with USAID?
Yes, as a communications expert.
- Do you know which countries? - Excuse me?
Do you know which Latin American countries they were?
I believe, among others,
the Dominican Republic and Brazil.
So, Mr. Santore,
before arriving in our country you were also in Brazil …
for the military coup d'état?
You overestimate me.
I arrived two years before, in '62.
- It takes time to prepare a coup. - Not in Latin America.
In America, you're quicker.
In a few seconds, you assassinate a president.
So you were in Brazil as a consultant
before, during and after the coup d'état?
That's correct.
As part of the official agreement between my government and Brazil.
- Goulart's democratic government? - Yes.
In '64, Goulart was deposed by the military,
who disbanded Parliament, political parties,
freedom of the press, unions.
Yet you stayed.
- The agreement had not changed. - I know.
Johnson even sent his congratulations a few hours before the putsch.
A political necessity.
As for morality, Cardinal Spellmann sent his blessings.
God is American and putschist.
What about you?
I'm not in politics. I'm just a consultant.
- A police consultant. - That's right.
The duty of the police is to defend law and order.
That's right.
The law of democracy or of dictatorship?
I see what you're getting at and admit there are contradictions.
But put yourself in my position.
I'm a consultant on traffic and communications,
and those problems remain whether it's a democracy or a dictatorship.
Technical problems, of course.
Of course.
In your eyes, an interrogation is also a technical problem.
- It's what you're doing right now. - And if it doesn't work?
Could torture be a technique
to resolve the problems inherent to interrogation?
You never heard of torture being used in Brazil?
Pau de Arara?
Methods like water torture?
Electric shocks?
Are you familiar with these methods? - No. What are they?
Techniques.
Do you know that torture exists in Brazil?
Brazil is a huge country, with great inequality
and a long tradition of violence.
So there might be some excesses. Isolated cases. It's possible.
Isolated cases of children being tortured to make their parents talk?
I've read such stories in Communist newspapers.
Were the Brazilian bishops who denounced these tortures also Communists?
Who knows?
In São Paulo,
Belo Horizonte, Guanabara, Pernambuco,
classes in torture are given
with practice sessions on live subjects.
As a consultant to the Brazilian police, you knew nothing of this?
No.
Almost the entire Brazilian police force was trained by you and your colleagues.
Not according to Communists, but to the New York Times.
You lump everything together, as usual.
I don't have anything to do with all that.
Do you know this guy?
I don't think so.
And this guy?
No, I don't think so. Are they Brazilians?
I'm sure you recognize this guy.
True.
Remember now?
I do. It was two or three years ago.
You're wearing the same watch.
Souvenir from your Brazilian friends.
From them?
No, it was a gift from USAID employees.
They'd been invited as representatives
of the military command — - They're military police?
Probably.
In any case, they're not my friends. - They've been denounced as torturers.
By the bishops?
By their victims and also by the bishops.
Coincidences are piling up.
- Do you believe in coincidences? - In general, no.
That's enough for today.
Do you smoke?
No, thanks.
Would you like a drink?
- Scotch? - We only have water.
That's fine.
- What are they doing? - They're on high alert.
How's your wound? Does it hurt?
A bit.
Strangely, it's bearable. - It was an accident.
Too nervous, not enough experience.
Maybe too young?
Breathe.
Deeper.
The young doctor who bandaged me thinks the lung is unharmed.
We'll need an X-ray to be sure.
Don't worry. You'll understand later.
I have good reasons not to worry.
I have faith in your intelligence.
I think you also know your job well.
I wouldn't be too sure, in light of the situation.
It's Dolosal.
It'll put you to sleep.
Let's go.
Cover your faces.
The new man must leave materialism behind
to attain the spiritual.
Do you know Pope Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum?
He condemned the economic liberalism that caused the industrial revolution
and ambition for wealth.
I condemn nothing.
I want a return to a Christian civilization,
to the principles of the gospel,
love for our fellow man, to forget materialism and money.
Our goals are almost the same, Consul.
You haven't answered the question on the extremists and the Brazilian police
who collaborate with our police to create death squads.
I have no idea what you're talking about.
Yet you're a member of Tradition, Family and Property?
Not here. In Brazil. I'm not involved in politics here.
One who is fascist in their home country
is a fascist everywhere.
No. Here —
I simply represent my government's interests.
In fact, there's no contradiction.
What did they do to you? What did they want?
To talk.
Did they torture you?
We just talked.
What did they say?
They want to kill us, right?
I don't think so.
That's not how they operate.
Besides, they're taking too many precautions.
Did they carry you in a stretcher too?
You see?
Stretchers, walls covered with newspapers,
masks.
They're making sure we can't identify them
or this place.
You've got a future. That's certain.
That's not true.
I know it. They let me overhear.
They want to eliminate me. I don't know why.
I never did anything wrong.
Is it a crime to be a Brazilian diplomat?
I provide for my family. I do my job.
What can they blame me for? - Maybe not you.
- Then whom? - Your government.
Blame my government for what?
Torture, for example.
Identification, please.
For the patient and the young lady too.
You're Dr. Sanchez? - Yes.
- What happened to him? - Heart attack.
He's in bad shape.
If we get there in time, we can save him.
Sorry, I must follow orders.
Which hospital? - St. Mary's.
- Good evening. - Good evening, Dr. Francia.
It's an emergency. Poisoning.
Ladies and gentlemen, we've just received the following message
TUESDAY
concerning the two foreign diplomats kidnapped yesterday morning.
This is a communiqué from the National Liberation Movement,
Líber Arce commando.
The foreigners captured by our organization,
Fernando Campos, consul of Brazil,
and Philip Michael Santore,
US citizen and USAID employee,
for whom the police and army search in vain,
are currently being held at the People's Prison.
The health of the consul of Brazil is satisfactory.
The American was wounded during the operation by a firearm.
Our medical service gives the following diagnostic.
Bullet wound,
entry near the right edge of the sternum
and exit wound in the left axilla.
Pulmonary systems normal.
No sign of pulmonary hemothorax.
No damage to the cardiovascular system.
Heartbeat and pulse normal.
Other communications will follow.
In the meantime, the interrogation of the prisoners continues.
After Brazil, you went to the Dominican Republic in 1965.
You're well informed.
In April of '65,
the marines invaded the island.
And you?
I don't agree with the term "invade,"
but I arrived afterward, in May.
- Again for USAID? - Yes.
Communications. Traffic.
That's right.
Mr. Santore,
in May '65,
the Dominican Republic was at civil war.
On one side, the Constitutionalists.
On the other, the civil and military junta
created, armed and financed by the CIA
and backed by your 40,000 marines.
And you went there to take care of traffic?
- That's right. - What kind of traffic?
Military tanks?
The presence of USAID was part of international agreements.
Our task was to reorganize the police and restore order.
- What kind of order? - Civil order!
The opposite of chaos, theft and looting.
You mean the order of the United Fruit Company?
What about the roles of other Yankee companies in Latin America?
We inevitably end up speaking of politics.
Inevitably.
You stayed there for two years?
Yes, from '65 to '67.
During that period, hundreds of democrats died or were "disappeared."
Political leaders, union leaders.
An international commission blamed these murders on the Dominican police.
You were there to reorganize them.
Back then, there were many international commissions in the Dominican Republic.
- Coincidence. - Luckily, you don't believe in them.
When there are repeated coincidences, we believe them.
We analyze them as objective facts.
Would you like a drink?
- Yes, some water. - We also have milk, if you like.
I'd like to express my outrage
as a citizen and member of Parliament.
WEDNESDAY
I demand the government clearly explain
who requested the services of this foreign employee.
Good! Bravo!
Who pays him,
who authorized him to work within our police force
and what, precisely, do his duties entail?
You're outraged, Mr. Martinez.
It seems the methods of this unnameable armed organization are useful.
Clearly, the violence that outrages everyone present is more useful
than the democratic system you claim to defend.
This violence has caused you, at last,
to consider the question of our country's independence.
I doubt a man like you can lecture me about independence or civic duty!
Surely not.
But now that you're aware of the problem of our country's independence,
begin an investigation
of this swarm of generous and selfless Americans —
specialists, technicians, lecturers, consultants —
who arrive each day under various names.
Enough!
This swarm that inhabits our country —
This swarm that inhabits our country
and the whole of Latin America,
with your consent.
- Who makes the factories run? - The workers!
Ask your workers if they'd rather be unemployed!
Why would the Americans give us their money for nothing?
Mr. Fabbri, why not tell us about your friends the Russians?
I'm not asking you to understand ideologies,
but geography!
The Soviet Union is far away,
but Yankees are everywhere, even at police headquarters.
At police headquarters. - Bolshevik propaganda!
At police headquarters. They arrived in '62.
No one knew who they were or what they did.
But already they had an office on the fourth floor of police headquarters
with no sign on the door,
and they had met with senior officers.
In '66, their presence becomes official.
And, officially, their boss arrives.
Robert Bain, Special Forces lieutenant colonel.
Our police immediately supplies him with a certain Agent Bardez,
who must be much more than a driver, a bodyguard
or an ordinary policeman
because he frequents, with perfect ease,
a place ordinary policemen aren't allowed to enter:
the United States embassy.
How do you know?
By what network did you get this information?
We are less unobservant than you.
Or rather, unlike most of you,
it is not in our interest to be unobservant.
So, in '66, this Robert Bain arrives.
He is also an expert for USAID.
What could a Special Forces lieutenant colonel be an expert of?
What sort of development would he be advising on?
If this lieutenant colonel came here
to do what I know, as well as you —
If that's what he came to do,
then he didn't do a very good job.
We still exist. We're better than before.
You have my sympathies.
What also still exist and are still growing
are those we all know but cannot call by name,
who nonetheless —
We don't approve of their methods,
but nonetheless, they represent a revolutionary force.
A revolutionary force.
A riposte to oppression, to corruption, to privileges.
I demand silence!
Enough, Chairman!
Lieutenant Colonel Bain didn't do a good job.
That's why he was replaced by Philip Michael Santore,
the man Mr. Martinez just spoke of.
Mr. Santore was a chief of police in his country.
Then he traveled extensively in Latin America
before arriving in our country.
You arrived in our country in '69?
Yes. In July.
You had an office at police headquarters?
Yes. The USAID technical assistance office.
And another at the embassy?
That's correct.
That's where I actually work.
I'd only drop by police headquarters every two weeks.
As you see, I've never excessively interfered
in the affairs of your police.
You controlled them. That was enough.
- Don't think I'm more important than I am. - You are important,
and you're often present at police headquarters.
You have a reserved parking spot near those of the police chiefs.
Every day, you arrive between 8:45 and 9:00 a.m.
Your office is on the same floor as theirs.
POLICE HEADQUARTERS
Do you know Captain Lopez and Captain Romero?
Yes, fairly well. They stay in contact with the technical assistance office.
How long have you known them?
Since I arrived here, about a year ago.
No.
You met them in '67,
in Washington, DC at the International Police Academy.
Technological advances have put man on the moon.
But despite such progress,
authorities have not succeeded,
in the domain of prevention and criminal investigation,
to keep pace with the antisocial activities threatening the free world.
Or with the many villainous acts committed by irresponsibles
trying to pass as revolutionaries,
their subversive activities and insurrectionary objectives
skillfully tinted with nationalism.
Due to this appalling lack of respect for humanity,
the responsible nations of the world
have become aware of the need to end terrorism
so that law and order may once more reign.
Police officers,
as society's first line of defense,
should learn more about these problems
in order to resolve them or fight them.
It was mainly in this aim that our academy was formed …
so that the finest members
of every police force in the free world
could come together
and share their ideas and experiences
in order to obtain a deeper, more global vision
of the serious problems faced by society today.
Yes, perhaps Lopez and Romero attended the academy.
It's possible. Many attend the academy.
About 30 from your country. - Sixty-seven in four years.
You said you didn't meet Lopez and Romero in DC,
yet they were students in your class.
Speak about your point of view, your experience.
Don't intellectualize it.
Say it as if speaking to friends, or to your wife.
I'm not married.
That's already one piece of information.
Be sincere. Don't hold back.
Between us, there can be no secrets.
We must say everything, even what we think of our governments.
Especially since governments change …
but the police remain.
These are the topics we'll cover,
ones you know well:
political situations,
economic situations,
Communist Party, unions,
student movements, guerrilla warfare,
urban guerrilla warfare in your country.
My country —
My country is very small but it has big problems.
This is the communications network you're an expert on,
an intelligence network.
You're the intelligence expert.
It's very difficult, even for a policeman, to get into the academy.
A policeman might become a revolutionary and vice versa.
- Not a true policeman. - Do you belong to a specific breed?
Yes, in a way.
The same breed as my Soviet or Chinese colleagues —
We don't know them, but you operate in our country.
In any case, our vocation is to uphold order,
which means that we don't like change.
We're conservative.
Here, many become cops out of hunger, not by vocation.
Yes, but they become policemen,
while others, out of hunger, become thieves.
You think hunger gives you the choice?
I believe that a man,
a real man,
always has a choice.
Don't you? - No.
We don't believe in "real men."
We believe in men, Mr. Santore,
in their right to equality,
in their imperative to create a fairer society,
a happier one.
- I believe in all those things too. - No, you don't.
You accept inequality. You defend privilege.
Actually, what you believe in is ownership.
Your moral order is the exploitation of a majority by a minority.
Exploitation!
Why?
What do I get out of it?
The illusion that you're one of the bosses,
when in fact, you're an errand boy.
THURSDAY
Communiqué #2.
National Liberation Movement,
Líber Arce commando.
Firstly,
the health of Fernando Campos continues to be satisfactory
and Philip Michael Santore
is recovering rapidly from his gunshot wound.
Secondly, interrogations continue
in order to confirm the guilt of the two prisoners.
Thirdly,
the National Liberation Movement
is willing to free the consul of Brazil and the American employee
in exchange for the liberation of all prisoners
accused or convicted of political offenses,
or linked to political offenses,
currently imprisoned inside and outside the capital.
Fourthly,
the freed prisoners may be sent
to Mexico, Peru or Algeria.
The communiqué, now known to the public,
that concerns the kidnappings
constitutes, for the authors of these offenses,
a new attack on established order,
additionally aggravated by an extortion attempt
on the legitimate government.
Secondly,
the authors of this message demand of the executive power
nothing less than to exempt the accused and convicted
from legal procedures.
In other words,
they wish the constitution to be violated by the same power
whose duty it is to uphold it.
What do you think of the minister of the interior's statements?
That it's a statement of the minister of the interior.
Does your ministry hold the same position?
My ministry has not yet taken a position.
In the absence of any other reference point,
the minister of the interior's communiqué
represents your government's position.
We cannot state the government's position
until all the various ministries have been consulted —
- When will — - which seems to me
the usual procedure in a democracy.
Don't you agree, Mr. Ducas?
Yes, in a democracy.
TRAITORS ARE SELLOUTS PEOPLE NEVER ARE!
Let me through.
Hello. The rector is waiting for you.
You too, gentlemen.
They want to search the university.
The rector refused, but they'll do it anyway.
Is that why you're here? - No.
The government is having constitutional problems.
No kidding.
They outlawed three political movements.
They forced nine newspapers to shut down.
They arrested thousands of citizens for going on strike.
They requisitioned employees and workers
to force them to return to work.
After all that, you dare come here
to talk to me about the constitution?
If I understood correctly,
according to the constitution, neither the president
nor the government have the right to free prisoners.
That's correct.
But the United States, Brazil,
the church
and international and national public opinion
objectively demand the president and his government
to accept the exchange
and liberate all the political prisoners.
What can the president do?
The only possibility
is to propose a decree of amnesty to Parliament,
who, constitutionally,
is the only body with the power to cancel a conviction.
Very well.
But for various motives, on both the left and the right,
everyone wants to get rid of the president.
In my opinion, the majority in Parliament
will take advantage of this and vote against the amnesty.
What happens then?
The exchange cannot take place.
- But we said the president is obliged — - Then he must resign.
There! You see?
In this whole affair, that's the most important thing.
Do you think that's possible?
All the favorable contradictions are in place.
The one who'll replace him must accept the exchange.
Where the sun of your bravery
Laid siege to death
Here lies the clear
The dear transparency
Why won't these young people give up?
They are defending university autonomy.
Commander Che Guevara
Your revolutionary love
Leads you to a new undertaking
Where they are waiting for the firmness
Of your liberating arm
We will carry on
As we are still by your side
Of your beloved presence
Commander Che Guevara
Stay seated. Alfredo!
Where are they? Bastien, go see.
Where are they? - Here. They've surrounded the area.
They're very close.
Get the consul ready.
That's a nice car.
It's pretty old, but it still runs well.
But you've been seeing lots of cars lately.
Not as nice. Although we've been to lots of garages.
- You've searched a lot of them? - Yes. Garages, houses —
Sergeant, come look at this.
There must be a space behind it.
It makes a hollow sound.
With these shelves in front of it, it seems walled up.
If it's walled up, then it's walled up.
Doesn't all this searching get boring?
At first, it's not bad, but after a while,
climbing stairs, visiting houses, like for the last four days —
I'm getting sick of it.
I'm sure you are. Getting searched is even worse.
I think we've seen everything. Let's go.
Wait.
We're staying.
Close it.
They were right above us?
Yes, very close.
- Bumbling fools. - Lack of information.
Exactly.
Yet they have the means to get it.
The appropriate techniques,
appropriate equipment.
Are you nuts?
Repeated use of instruments of torture has been proven, Mr. President,
by the Investigative Commission.
This commission, I remind you,
is composed of representatives of every political party in Parliament.
Its conclusions, unanimously approved, are the following.
"Firstly,
it has been proven that in our country
torture has become customary and frequent practice.
Secondly, torture was used
on people who, due to their innocence,
were never brought before justice
and on people who, after being tried,
were found to be innocent.
Thirdly, the favored victims for these methods
are students
and union leaders.
Fourthly,
the explanations of the authorities responsible,
who deny the existence of such acts
or claim to be unaware of them,
are unacceptable.
For if we accept them,
we'd be admitting that within our police force
there exist parallel organizations,
autonomous and uncontrollable."
There you have it.
Gentlemen,
all this has taken place in our country.
All this takes place daily in our country.
All this must cease in our country.
Government leaders,
I don't know if you were or were not aware of all this,
but in either case,
you no longer have the right to govern our country.
They're trying to gain an electoral advantage.
That's exactly what they're after!
The tortures still continued.
You knew it, Mr. Santore,
because you're in our country to advise the police.
You continue to involve me in affairs I had no part in
and that I never knew about.
Yet your students from the academy were denounced as torturers.
- That doesn't prove anything. - Yes.
A mere coincidence. Yet another.
How many have you sent to the academy since you arrived?
Eight, I think.
But I don't send them, your government does.
Exactly 37 were sent.
Personally chosen and recommended by you.
This is the academy curriculum.
In five weeks of classes,
communications and traffic are barely discussed.
So there's no more point in mentioning communications and traffic …
right, Mr. Santore?
That's fine with me.
The curriculum deals mainly with revolutionary warfare
in Algeria, Cuba, Vietnam.
It also focuses on strikes and demonstrations,
unionizing and explosives.
Would you like to see?
I'm already familiar with it.
In terms of explosives,
after the session in DC there's a specialization class in Texas
in an abandoned village
near the Mexican border.
Eight policemen were sent there to become explosives specialists.
Assistant Commissioner Fontana.
Captain Pignatores.
Assistant Commissioner Suarez.
Commissioner Garcia.
Assistant Commissioner Panizolo.
Commissioner Torresi.
Captain Bordez.
A bomb attack provokes the crowd and the police intervene.
Commissioner Benites.
Bombings to intimidate and provoke.
That's the curriculum of that specialization.
Yes, I know.
Why such an emphasis on explosives?
They are the weapons of terrorists.
We need to learn about them.
You're not teaching how to defend against bombs,
but how to use them.
Visibly, you're the one who needs terrorists.
Why? What do you need them for?
Hello, Rector.
Is it serious?
Do you know Enrique Macchi?
You know him.
You meet him every week in one of his nightclubs.
You know him very well and so do we.
An ex-economics student.
He never got a degree,
but he did organize the first fascist group at the university.
He has three nightclubs
and is in a relationship with Johanna, a young lady with a red Volkswagen
who is the secretary of the American embassy's cultural attaché.
You know much more about him than I do.
That's impossible.
At the embassy, you have the most complete files in the country.
Yet more legends.
You do know he's a fascist?
- We've never discussed politics. - Really?
Then what do you talk about each week?
Women?
Why not?
That's what you pay him for?
That's not very nice for someone like me, who's getting old.
In any case, I never paid him.
Enrique Macchi and his fascist organization are expensive.
Its members, apart from a few idiots who do believe,
are all thugs, gangsters, professional criminals.
Their services are very expensive.
Perhaps. But I never paid them.
Yet Mr. Macchi handles all purchases and sales of vehicles
for the US embassy and all other American operations.
You can't build a case against me based on car sales.
It's a handy way to finance an agent provocateur.
Why, Mr. Santore?
What do you use those people for?
If a policeman frequents a nightclub, that proves nothing.
If I also frequented it, that also proves nothing.
Naturally.
No more than frequenting a photographer's studio.
Do you know Agent Bardez?
You know him very well.
And so do we.
Former agent Bardez.
Fired from the police force for theft.
It was in all the papers.
Bardez, now a photographer, continues what he did before,
still with police backing, but now without compromising them.
That's the principle of death squads, Mr. Santore.
Physical elimination of opponents
without the hindrance of the constitution, laws or courts.
Captain Lopez for the police, assisted by Fontana.
Captain Ridggi, marine.
Colonel Gonzales, army.
Commander Pignatores, air force.
And Bardez, the right-hand man of your predecessor,
Colonel Robert Bain.
What was the purpose of this underground military staff,
this organization of decommissioned killers?
What did they do for you?
What will they do in the future?
Is your son home?
- Why? What do you want? - Police. Come with us.
He didn't do anything. He's out of politics now.
They only released him from jail a week ago!
That's what we don't agree with.
Do you know him?
No, I don't.
- You don't know him? - No.
But you recognize yourself?
No.
- You don't recognize yourself? - No.
We know they are Tupamaros.
Go.
- Are you the Nodieras? - Yes.
If you want to come in —
Come out, everyone. It's just an identity check.
Please come out, everyone.
I repeat,
everyone inside Seccional #20
is requested to come out immediately.
You're no ordinary employee.
You're not just an employee or an expert.
You're a leader.
You commanded the police of Belo Horizonte in Brazil,
the police in Santo Domingo and ours.
You do it directly,
as well as indirectly via the men you send to Washington DC
to learn, among other things, how to betray their country.
You claim to defend freedom and democracy.
Your methods are war, fascism and torture.
Do you agree, Mr. Santore?
You're just subversives, Communists.
You want to destroy the foundation of our society,
the fundamental values of our Christian civilization,
the very existence of the free world.
You're an enemy to be fought by any means necessary.
- I think that's all there is to say. - So do I.
But tell me, I want to know.
What kind of civilization do you think you're fighting for?
Really?
Such curiosity is a weakness.
A civilization where there'd be no need for people like you.
FRIDAY
Communiqué #3.
Fernando Campos,
consul of Brazil,
is and was revealed to be a fitting representative
of Brazil's predatory dictatorship.
Philip Michael Santore,
US citizen and USAID bureaucrat,
is and was revealed to be through interrogation
the leader in our country,
as well as in other Latin American countries,
of an organization
who, in parallel with the police and under their cover,
engages in acts of espionage and repression
using methods which include political assassination
and torture.
If the government decides to refuse our proposal
to immediately liberate all political prisoners,
both convicted and accused,
justice will be served.
That's the house.
- Are you sure? - Yes.
Excuse me, Mr. President, but we need to redo it after,
"I'd like my people to understand —" - Fine.
We'll continue this later.
I'd like my people to understand the responsibility on my shoulders.
I ardently hope this stressful situation won't end in tragedy.
But this affair, despite its international implications —
as the victims are not citizens of our country —
is strictly a police matter.
As president of the republic,
I have the supreme duty to defend the law,
to defend our institutions,
to defend legitimate justice,
which is the only one entitled to judge and pass sentence.
SATURDAY MORNING
Mr. Snow?
Police.
What's going on?
Mr. Snow doesn't speak our language.
What's this about? - Police.
We have orders to bring Mr. Snow
to police headquarters.
A mere formality.
I'd better call his secretary. She can be his interpreter.
You'd better not call anyone. Just obey.
The keys.
You'd better stay quiet for 10 minutes if you don't want trouble.
Such things don't even seem funny anymore.
It's just depressing.
The government no longer governs us.
They answer the problems of a society in crisis with violence.
But the other violence, the one they unleashed themselves,
is much more intelligent.
This morning,
when the agricultural minister informed them of another kidnapping,
the president called an emergency meeting of ministers,
deputies, big business.
The minister of economy: deputy, banker,
and president of four companies, two of which are American.
The minister of foreign affairs:
deputy, banker, controls 70 companies,
represents the Rockefeller Group in our country.
His companies own 500,000 acres.
The Vatican ambassador:
head of a group that controls 85 companies,
19 of which are foreign.
Minister,
owner of two newspapers.
Former minister, deputy, two banks,
six companies, two of which are American.
The Herbert clan.
Bankers, they control 750,000 acres,
seven companies, three of which are American.
A deputy, a minister and a former minister.
Other bankers.
Other industrialists who were ministers.
Ministers who are bankers or industrialists.
Industrialist bankers who will one day be ministers.
And finally, the minister of the interior.
The only one who isn't a banker or wealthy
and whose role is to defend the wealthy and the bankers.
If all these gentlemen are meeting,
there must be an important decision to be made.
Very important.
The way things stand now, it can only be one thing.
The resignation of the president
with the exchange to be negotiated by the new president.
Put this on the front page.
Great! It's the president.
Where did you find it?
- Read the caption. - He was a boxer?
A mediocre boxer. Middleweight.
He became a mediocre journalist,
then a mediocre member of Parliament.
Who'd have dreamt
he'd become a mediocre president?
Everyone.
It was a rhetorical question.
Is the biography ready? - Here it is.
We just have to wait for the official notice of resignation.
- Is that you, Hugo? - Yes.
Who is it?
Inspector Rabello,
do you still live at 106 October 8th Avenue
with your brother's family?
We are your prisoners. Behave yourselves.
Lopez, is it true they still haven't gotten that bullet out of your neck?
Cuff them.
Now we wait for Hugo.
How did they find us?
Quite a coup for you, Lopez.
Who are you?
We're waiting for the others to arrive for the meeting.
That's the oldest trick in the book, Captain.
Yes, it is. Sit with us.
We'll chat …
while we wait for the others.
- It's the police. - Back up!
If they don't say anything, how can we write an article?
What's better,
to write an article or to try to understand?
Ladies and gentlemen,
I'm standing with the chief of police
and Captain Lopez, who arrested the rebels.
I'll ask them a few questions.
Will this capture affect the fate of the three hostages?
- I hope so. - Why?
It's still too early to tell.
Obviously,
I doubt they'll be … amiable enough
to tell us the location or locations
where the hostages are being held.
But in any case, we'll ask them.
I meant,
do you think they'll know these locations?
We have good reason to believe
they are the group that leads the organization.
Can you tell us how you managed to pull off such a dragnet?
How did we succeed, Captain?
With patience.
And perhaps a bit of luck?
No. Luck has nothing to do with it.
In order to obtain information on the locations
where the hostages are being held,
how do you intend to proceed?
If the terrorists know where the hostages are being held —
Get ready. We're leaving.
That's enough. Hurry!
Get ready. We're leaving, Mr. Snow.
- They're in there? - Yes.
Are you Santore?
Get ready. We're leaving.
- What's going on? - You get ready too.
SATURDAY NIGHT
Communiqué #4.
Firstly, in the case of informing,
of confessions obtained under torture
or of the death of our comrades being held prisoner,
severe retaliatory measures will be taken.
The leaders of the repressive forces and the oligarchy
will personally answer for the physical safety of our comrades.
Secondly, the allotted time has run out.
The government has not responded to our offer of exchange.
In consequence, the National Liberation Movement
has decided to execute Philip Michael Santore.
Thirdly,
the execution will take place 24 hours after the release of this communiqué
if the government does not reply to our offer of exchange.
You claim to defend freedom and democracy.
SUNDAY
Your methods are war, fascism and torture.
Do you agree, Mr. Santore?
You're just subversives, Communists.
You want to destroy the foundation of our society,
the fundamental values of our Christian civilization,
the very existence of the free world.
You're an enemy to be fought by any means necessary.
- I think that's all there is to say. - So do I.
Were you cold last night?
A bit.
How's your wound?
Better.
We'll leave in about two hours.
- Changing locations again? - Yes.
Where's your colleague who was taking care of me?
Now I'm taking care of you.
If you like, you may write to your family.
I'd like that.
How are they?
They're fine.
Wait.
Victor. A small table, please.
Thanks.
I must inform you that you may be executed tomorrow.
That wasn't our intention, and we'd prefer not to.
Not that you don't deserve to die, but because we'd prefer another solution.
You wanted to use me in a trade?
Yes. We still do.
Wait, don't go.
Let's talk. I can be useful to you.
- How? - Not in the way you think.
But I know how the others think,
the reactions they might have.
That's important in a negotiation.
If you think you have influence, write.
You can also write to your ambassador if you think you must.
Yes, I'll do that too, but first you must explain what's going on
and what has happened.
Because something has happened, hasn't it?
Please, sit down.
Until yesterday, the situation was more or less in balance.
Yesterday, we captured another USAID bureaucrat.
- Who? - An agricultural engineer.
We had the advantage.
The government would have to accept the exchange or resign.
In fact, they were about to resign
when the police arrested some of our comrades.
- How many? - A few.
- Important ones? - All our comrades are important.
The police claim they are the most important ones.
Is that true?
In a sense, yes.
- The government won't resign. - No, not now.
They ceased the secret negotiations they'd begun with us.
The minister of the interior released a communiqué of victory.
- So you declared an ultimatum? - Yes.
- It concerns only me? - Yes. You're the most responsible.
We still have 24 hours.
Do you think you can do something?
No. I don't think so.
You don't think your government will intervene?
In light of the situation, no.
You're more useful to them dead than alive.
Yes.
Yes, I think so.
You're in a corner and they'll take advantage of it
to try to wipe you out.
They'll simply take advantage of what you're about to do.
They don't know what we'll really do.
I don't know what you'll really do,
but I know what they'll do.
Because in their position, I'd do exactly the same thing:
nothing.
They brought in 100 FBI agents from the United States.
Probably to protect the embassy and American citizens.
They've lost confidence in your police.
As for you, you have no choice.
If you kill me,
it will be an act of cruelty and powerlessness.
If you don't kill me,
it will be a sign of weakness.
Which is powerlessness.
We don't have much time. If you want to write —
Yes, I'll write.
Not to the ambassador.
I'll write to my wife.
- Ambassador! - Let him through.
- What is your position? - What is your government's decision?
Were you the one who received the pope's message?
For the last 24 hours, it's been a media blackout!
Ambassador, what was the aim of your meeting at the foreign office?
Do you believe there's any hope for Campos and Santore?
- A statement, Minister? - Please, gentlemen!
You know the government is currently in deliberation.
I stepped out to speak with the American ambassador.
Mr. President!
No comment.
Patience, gentlemen.
After the meeting,
there'll probably be a press conference
or a communiqué. - For the last 24 hours —
- Do you intend to save him? - Please, this is a serious matter!
Here they come.
As you see, I keep my promises.
But please,
let's keep this short.
Straight off, I'd like to say
that the government has not changed its position.
Do you mean
that the communiqué of the minister of the interior
is still valid? - Exactly.
The minister of the interior's communiqué reflected and still reflects
the executive branch's point of view.
Like in every self-respecting democracy.
That's right.
What's your personal viewpoint, Minister?
I think the government adopted the only possible position
in order to defend the principle of sovereignty,
as well as that of the other countries involved.
With the ambassador, did you discuss the ultimatum of the —
the rebels?
What do you think?
I think you did.
What was the ambassador's reaction?
You should have formulated your question better.
In any case, the attitude of the American ambassador,
as well as the Brazilian ambassador,
was one of understanding and respect
for our sovereignty.
I'd like to remind you
that the position of the executive power
is the only one possible.
Minister, the ultimatum expires in about 12 hours.
According to its terms,
Philip Michael Santore will be executed.
What's the question?
Nothing. There is no question.
I received the report.
Then you're aware of the situation.
It's not a question of sentiments.
He never had any. It's a question of politics.
Is it yes or no?
I don't know.
I don't care about the guy,
but I'm not sure what's best for us.
It's not just us in Latin America.
You understand,
if we execute him,
all the newspapers, TV stations and radios
will talk about his seven kids.
If we don't execute him, the governments will regain strength
and the revolutionary movements will be weakened,
because we've triggered a revolutionary mechanism
without being able to enforce it,
or respect ourselves enough to see it through.
You should have thought of that before.
We did. That's why we're consulting all of our comrades.
Yes or no?
Yes.
I received the report.
Then you're aware of the situation.
It's not a question of sentiments. He never had any.
It's a question of politics.
Is it yes or no?
Yes.
I received the report.
Then you're aware of the situation.
It's not a question of sentiments.
He never had any.
It's a question of politics.
Is it yes or no?
- I thought — - It's clearly explained in the report.
Yes or no? - Yes.
I received the report.
Then you're aware of the situation.
It's not a question of sentiments.
He never had any.
It's a question of politics.
Is it yes or no?
No.
I received the report.
Then you're aware of the situation. It's not a question of sentiments.
He never had any. It's a question of politics.
Is it yes or no? - Yes.
What about the other two prisoners?
They aren't directly responsible, especially the agricultural engineer.
That's really what he does. He's a decent man.
We'll free both of them shortly.
The majority voted "yes." - The same for us.
The same for us.
"Yes," unanimously.
- And for you? - "Yes," by majority.
We'd better hurry. We don't have much time.
STATE OF SIEGE